"Tax Day Tea Party Introduction"
"Plymouth Rock Foundation E-News on T.E.A. Parties"
"The Story of the Boston Tea Party by Dr. Paul Jehle Plymouth Rock Foundation Executive Director"
"Stirring the T.E.A. - Resources to keep the Party Going"

"The Original Committees of Correspondence" By Dr. Paul W Jehle
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Keep the T.E.A. Parties Going

 

More than 2,300 T(axed) E(nough) A(lready) Parties took place across America on April 15, 2009. Many gathered in protest of the recent "bailouts" passed by Congress the previous few months that skyrocketed America's debt and reckless spending, increasing the size of government rather than empowering the average American. Regardless of the many reasons that so many thousand Americans stood
with signs of all kinds to express their outrage and frustration, it appears a growing movement has begun that seeks to empower the individual to do something about the issues that face. But what should be done? Consider Plymouth Rock Foundation's initial E-news that was sent out a week ahead of these T.E.A. parties.

The following are the remarks of Dr. Paul Jehle, Executive Director of the Plymouth Rock Foundation, at the T.E.A. Party held on the Boston Common, close to where the original tea party took place.

THE STORY OF THE BOSTON TEA PARTY

Dr. Paul Jehle, Executive Director, Plymouth Rock Foundation

What could cause 60 patriots, half disguised as Mohawk Indians, to go to Griffin's Wharf in 1773 and dump 342 chests of tea into the harbor? What could cause more than 7,000 citizens to meet peacefully and watch this event unfold without tumult, riot, lawless rebellion or even shouting? If it was not a riot, not a revolution or a lawless rebellion, or even a protest on the amount of tax on tea, what was it? It was a lawful boycott of a commodity that was unjustly taxed by a governmental agency that had no jurisdiction over the colony.

In order to understand the original Tea Party here in Boston in 1773, we must understand a simple progression that is often ignored today - IDEAS MEET FOR ACTION. Let's repeat that together - "Ideas meet for action." In other words, the peaceful, lawful action on December 16, 1773 was the culmination of constitutional ideas that were discussed by people in various meetings and gatherings. It was not the cause but the effect. If we fail to grasp the cause of this united action, we will make the same mistake today. Meetings such as these T.E.A. parties will have little effect if they are viewed as causes.

So what were the ideas that brought people together for many years prior to the Boston Tea Party? These ideas were received by the colonists in their churches, for they were rooted in the theology that birthed America in general and Boston in particular. By the time 1773 had arrived, a legacy of more than 150 years of preaching had taken place. The ideas derived from the Bible had been slowly put into written documents - first in England and then in America. We could summarize the ideas as follows:

1st, unalienable rights are God-given, not government granted. In other words, your rights are not secure unless they come from a source greater than government. Protesting a violation of your rights is a bit fruitless unless you know where they come from. The Crown, however, claimed "prerogative", or the idea that all rights originated from the King. It was "toleration" by government, or civil rights granted by civil government and thus they were insecure and unable to be defended.

2nd, government operates by covenant. In other words, the nature of government is to have limited, or express powers by what we know as a constitution. The only powers government has is what is written in the constitution. The colonists understood that the original English constitution (made up of three documents) was not being followed by the Crown or Parliament. By their own charters, the Parliament had no jurisdiction over the colony since each colony had its own parliament called assemblies.

3rd, one can only resist unjust government through lawful appeal. They had largely embraced the idea that only a lawful, submissive appeal through previously understood means was the way to secure a liberty that had been lost. If one simply rebels, like the French Revolution afterwards, they could replace an unjust monarchy with a tyrant such as Napoleon - in other words, rebellion produces a worse result than lawful appeal.

So what should they do when the Crown of Britain began its oppression in 1761 with the Writs of Assistance? This was saying the British could search ships without a warrant. James Otis defended the colonial merchants of Boston for free. His oration, pictured in a mural behind me in the State House, declared clearly that rights were not in the crown, or property, or even ultimately in the compact between King and the people (constitution). Rights come from "the unchanging will of God." The ideas spoken here and repeated throughout the colonies were spread from colony to colony through the Committees of Correspondence begun by Sam Adams in 1772. These committees articulated these ideas, especially in relation to taxation, and spread them from colony to colony.

When the Stamp Act and the subsequent other taxes were laid by Parliament upon the colonies, they appealed in writing that these were unconstitutional. They quoted their own charters and stated that these acts violated the British laws and their rights as Englishmen. When Parliament repealed the taxes on paper, painter's colors and glass, only a small tax on tea remained. They did this to "try the principle in America." In other words, since the tax was so small, only three pence on a pound of tea, they thought that the colonists would "swallow" the principle in order to drink the tea at a lower price since they could buy it from England cheaper than they could smuggle it in from Holland. But this small tax had within it the declared right of Parliament to "tax them in all cases whatsoever."

Ben Franklin responded "they have no idea that any people can act from any other principle but that of interest; and they believe that three pence on a pound of tea, of which one does not perhaps drink ten pounds in a year, is sufficient to overcome all the patriotism of an American." A tax of 30 cents a year! John Dickenson stated "it is not the paltry sum of three pence on a pound which is now demanded, but the principle on which it is demanded, that we are contending against." Richard Frothingham, an historian who wrote from primary sources declared "they did not rise up against the paltry duty because they were poor and could not pay, but because they were free and would not submit to wrong."

The meetings of the patriots were unified because the principles they defended were now common to most. Patriots in Philadelphia got the Tea Commissioners (those who would collect the internal tax) to resign. New York patriots voted that the tea should not land there. In Charleston, the consignees resigned to rounds of thunderous applause for their patriotism. Only in Boston, where the first ships were due to arrive, did the Consignees refuse to resign, and the Governor refuse to allow the ship laden with tea to return to England with her cargo. All eyes were on Boston. As one Philadelphia letter stated, "all we fear is that you will shrink at Boston. May God give you virtue enough to save the liberties of your country."

The ideas were clearly articulated and embraced. The meetings cemented their united hearts and produced the catalyst for united, lawful action. They understood clearly, that to appeal an unjust tax, the only thing they could do was to follow British custom, which included four steps:

1. They must leave the cargo in port for twenty days to give the owner time to leave;

2. They had to protect both the owner and his property;

3. They must make a public demonstration against the tax;

4. After twenty days, the cargo was liable for seizure, none of it could be sold or used.

The British knew the law as well. They threatened to forcefully unload the tea on December 17, the 21st day after the first ship had arrived November 28. When Sam Adams convened a meeting at the exact hour when the first ship had arrived, (3 PM twenty days before), he received word that the owner would not be allowed to leave with his cargo. Some unrest began to occur, but Adams, as the other leaders did, told the people he had done nothing wrong - he was to be protected as well as his ship. When he said "this meeting can do nothing more to save the country" the war hoop was sounded, and the Tea Party began. The meeting had to translate into action or it would have been fruitless.

This is when about 60 men, some disguised as Mohawk Indians, gave a war hoop as they went to the wharf and unloaded 9,000 pounds of tea in 342 chests. No property was damaged, no one was hurt, and hardly any sound was made. Governor Hutchinson (a tory), said "the whole was done with very little tumult." Sam Adams called it the "height of joy." John Adams said "this is the most magnificent movement of all." John Scollay, a selectmen from the town of Boston, said "we do console ourselves that we have acted constitutionally."

So what can we learn from the original Boston Tea Party? The T.E.A. Parties arising around our nation prove that we are united in what we oppose. That is a start, but it won't sustain lasting and lawful change. We need to be united in what we are for. Thus, we need to educate ourselves at home and throughout our neighborhoods and communities on the original ideas that caused a group of patriots to lawfully resist tyranny and birth a constitutional republic. In other words, we must restore the right ideas. Here at Plymouth Rock Foundation we have spent almost 40 years researching, compiling and articulating these ideas. We, along with other key organizations, can suggest primary source material to study on America's rich heritage of constitutional law.

We must also meet. We must meet in our homes with our children, in neighborhood gatherings, and in other public venues where we discuss these ideas, restoring the original committees of correspondence. T.E.A. Parties need to write to each other, and follow up on those that attended and wish to learn the ideas of liberty. At these meetings small groups need to systematically study their state and federal constitution. Local elections are more important than national ones, and we must restore a sense of consciousness in our local neighborhoods. Again, we can suggest some course to begin.

We must also act. Unless ideas discussed at meetings translate into action, there will be no change. We have something the colonists in 1773 did not have. We have already established constitutions in our States and at the Federal level that define clearly the lawful appeal process (called interposition) to curb corruption as well as branches of government that ignore their oath to "preserve, protect and defend the constitution." We must learn these and begin to utilize them. Ultimately, the people have the greatest power at the ballot box. If we do not act there, we will not get a corrupt politician's attention. Remember, a politician is someone who studies the art of getting reelected, but a statesman is one who will stand for principle even to his own hurt and the loss of an election.

I leave you with the words of Joseph Warren, who helped to lead the original Tea Party in Boston. In 1772 he addressed a large crowd at the Old South Church to commemorate the Boston Massacre. His closing words, just a year before the Tea Party, are applicable today, and become a cry from the grave of our forefathers to their descendants who have been given the precious inheritance of liberty.

"On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important question, on which rest the happiness and liberty of millions yet unborn... Your fathers look from their celestial seats with smiling approbation on their sons, who boldly stand forth in the cause of virtue; but sternly frown upon the inhuman miscreant, who, to secure the loaves and fishes to himself, would breed a serpent to destroy his children...

If you, with united zeal and fortitude, oppose the torrent of oppression, if you fee the true fire of patriotism burning in your breasts; if you, from your souls, despise the most gaudy dress that slavery can wear... If you perform your part, you must have the strongest confidence that the same Almighty Being who protected your pious and venerable forefathers... Who so often made bare his arms for their salvation, will still be mindful of you their offspring. May this Almighty Being graciously preside in all our councils - may He direct us, to such measures as He himself shall approve, and be pleased to bless. May we ever be a people, favored by God. May our land be a land of liberty, the seat of virtue, the asylum of the oppressed, a name and a praise in the whole earth..."


THE ORIGINAL COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE
By Dr.  Paul W Jehle

“... that this land. may be purged from the sins which are a reproach to a people, and be exalted by righteousness; that God Almighty may be our God as He was The God of our fathers; and that we may be possessed of the same principles of virtue, religion, and public spirit which warmed and animated the hearts of our renowned ancestor -- is the sincere  prayer of your friends in the common cause of our county, the committee of the town of Cambridge.” 

Letter from the Committee of Correspondence, Cambridge, Massachusetts, as published in the Boston Gazette, December 28, 1772

 

The Christian Committees of Correspondence (COMCORS) is a modern-day application of the original Committees of Correspondence which were created by American patriots in the 1770s. Most of the Committeemen were Christians. Those Committees had an important impact, and played a vital role, in winning America's independence from Great Britain ... and thus were instrumental in the establishment of these United States of America.

A basic understanding of the role and function of today's Committees of Correspondence may be gained by taking a brief look at the manner in which those original Committees were structured, how they functioned, and what they achieved.

The Original Committees

Included in this section are numerous excerpts from a 1901 report which reviewed the history and achievements of those early Committees (Dr. Edward D. Collins, "Committees of Correspondence of The American Revolution, " American Historical Association).*

 *(Another excellent resume of the Committees and how they functioned may be found on pages 478 through 524 in Volume 2, "The Christian History of The Constitution - Self-Government With Union," Foundation for American Christian Education (FACE), 2946 Twenty Fifth Avenue, San Francisco, CA 94132)

It is strongly recommended that Committee leaders, especially, consider and ponder the excerpts from Dr. Collins' article. His accounting will give you a rather clear picture of those early Committees and how effective they were in structure and operation -- hopefully it will also sharpen your vision as to what today's Committees can achieve.

As you read Dr. Collins' report you will get an idea of how early American Christians organized and operated their Committees, and how they overcame obstacles to achieve their purposes.
And, you will no doubt see some parallels between "then" and "now."

A Method of Colonial Self-Government

"The voluntary communicating of towns, counties, and legislative assemblies, constitutes political action consistent with and springing from local self-government with union -- The American Idea of Government."

Let's consider here a few of those excerpts from Dr. Collins' paper; they will put the purpose and programs of the original Committees into sharp focus:

"Jared Sparks, in his Life of Gouverneur Morris, has comprehensively summarized the conditions through which the committee systems of the American Revolution sprang into efficiency:

"... the primary movement was to bring the people to understand their interests and to act in concert and the first means used to attain  this end was the establishment of committees  of correspondence in different parts of the  country. These committees were chosen in towns, counties, parishes, district, or smaller neighborhoods. They were entrusted with certain powers which enabled them to correspond with each other and to represent in some sort the political views and objects of their constituents. So necessary was this system in itself, and so well adapted to promote the general welfare, that it was acceded to everywhere, and in a short time committees were so universally appointed throughout the colonies that friends of liberty had speedy and direct channels opened with each other in every part of the continent. This increased their mutual intelligence, gave them confidence and encouragement, harmonized their sentiments, and sowed the seeds of union."' (Collins, p 245)

Obviously, there is not a perfect or complete parallel between the "then" of the 1770s and the "now" of today. But, there are indeed some significant similarities from which we may profit:

1. The "primary movement" brought people to understand their interests and act in concert.
2. Local committees were formed in towns, counties, districts, and smaller neighborhoods.
3. The system of Committees provided for speedy and direct channels of communications which increased mutual intelligence, instilled confidence, harmonized sentiments, and promoted unity.

The Principle Involved

Writing about the principle involved in the structure and operation of the local Committees, Dr. Collins observed:

"It is obviously a principle and not a prototype that we have to deal with. The principle (involved in the operation of the original Committees) is very simple and very fundamental. It was correspondence with cooperation at the terminal points, that brought about the Revolution."

"... for all practical purposes, the committee of correspondence began its life as a local institution of the Revolution, and that Samuel Adams was its promoter. Its importance as a piece of revolutionary machinery can hardly be overestimated. It was not merely a channel through which public opinion might flow; it created public opinion and played upon it to fashion events.... It was the germ of a government." (Ibid, p 247)

The System in Operation

"The system of committees of correspondence did indeed grow into a mighty tree; for it was nothing less than the beginning of the American Union."

An examination of the original Boston Committee of Correspondence provides an excellent outline of the manner in which those early American Committees functioned.

"The Boston committee of correspondence. has been likened to a political party manager. It...
* provided for regular meetings
* consulted with other similar bodes in the vicinity
* stimulated the spread of committees in - surrounding towns
* kept up a correspondence with them
* prepared political matter for the press
* circulated it in newspapers & broadsides, * matured political measures
* created and guided public sentiment --" (Ibid, p 248)

In all of this, the Committees held the key to concerted action and to union; a federation of independent local units, too large for any one man to "boss," but united in common cause and unity of purpose. In this regard, it is important to note that the "flow of power and force" inherent in the Committees flowed upward -- from the individual members of the local committees to a federation of other committees in the area, the district or the counties, and finally a network of committees in every one of the 13 colonies.

The County Committees

"This part of the system was evolved to meet particular needs, just as the first town committee of correspondence had been."

The Committees at the outset were basically local institutions and local conditions gave each Committee a distinct character and role in its community. It was self-government in action.

What was needed was a method by which the committees could become more effective by joining with other Committees in the area. The patriots of New Jersey developed a plan which, while maintaining the autonomy of each local Committee, opened the door to an increased impact in the colonies. It was the formation of county Committees of Correspondence; the second tier in the overall Committee structure.

"We are now entering upon a contest that may be continued for a long time, and we can not be too early in giving all regularity and stability to our proceedings. The whole people are oppressed; therefore they must act." (Ibid, p 256)

Each local committee in the county chose one person to represent it on the county committee. The county committee kept that representative informed by letter or county meeting and he, in turn, reported to the local committee. "Thus a most regular plan might be solidly established throughout this continent for communicating needful information to the individuals of the smallest district in every county ... and of receiving their sentiment..." (Ibid, p 256)

"The system at this point reached a well-nigh perfect adjustment. The elasticity of its operation in New Jersey makes that colony a model for its exposition. The inhabitants of each township elected a township committee of correspondence for the special purpose of corresponding with other township committees within the county. It could, however, extend its correspondence, when necessary. (Ibid, p 257)

The Provincial Committees

"This county committee, would then correspond with the other county committees … and, when deemed necessary, could call a county meeting or convention. The county committees chose in turn certain of their own number to form a provincial committee ... the essential function of this body was to correspond with the other colonies and call a provincial congress for New Jersey when necessary." (bid, p 257)

"Thus perfected, the system was a rapidly working and highly efficient piece of administrative machinery. Connected with the popular cause through representation ... the action of the system was equally facile toward the central government at one end of the chain of committees and toward the individual at the other..." (Ibid, p 257)

Broad-Scale Impact

Most of us have read about the famous Boston Tea Party and how the Sons of Liberty, dressed as Indians, boarded a British ship and dumped crates of tea into the harbor. It was a protest against the imposition of taxes on the colonists. The tax on tea was small; it was not the money;  it was the principle: Taxation without the consent of the taxed. (News of the "tea party" was "welcomed through the colonies by the ringing of bells and other signs of joy, and was defended as a measure of political necessity"). Not only was the tea dumped, in the days which followed many refused to use any goods from Great Britain. In retaliation, the Parliament enacted the Boston Port Bill (which "went into operation amid the tolling of bells, prayer and fasting, the exhibition of mourning emblems, and every expression of general and deep sympathy").

The Port Bill not only cut off all foreign trade to Boston, it cut off all domestic (inter-colony) trade that came by ship. "In a word, Boston had fairly entered on its seasoning of suffering. Did its inhabitants expostulate on the severity with which the law was carried out, the insulting reply (from Britain) was, that to distress them was the, very object of the bill. As though the deeper the iron entered the soul, the sooner and the more complete would be the submission. To maintain order and preserve life, at so trying a season, called for nerve and firmness. Work was to be provided when there was no demand for the products of labor, and relief was distributed according to the circumstances of the applicants. The donation committee sat every day, Sunday excepted."

The anti-colonialists in Great Britain (and many Tories in America) were sure that, given enough time, Boston would capitulate. But, the King and Parliament had not considered the fiber of the Americans, or the Committees of Correspondence -- the bond of unity which responded to "a common cause." The "deeper the iron entered the soul," the more steel encased the backbone.

Some years later Daniel Webster commented on the issue: "(our) fathers accomplished the Revolution on a strict question of principle…. The amount of the taxation was trifling, but the claim itself was inconsistent with liberty.... They poured out their treasures and their blood... in opposition to an assertion, which those... not so well schooled in the principles of civil liberty, would have regarded as mere parade of words."

"The destruction of the tea brought its own penalty in the port act"... (but) the port act, through the skillful manipulation of the committees of correspondence was turned into a powerful force, working through popular sentiment for unity of action against the mother country." (Ibid, p 259)

Quick and Effective Response

The Committee system provided the means by which the colonies could respond quickly and effectively in the event of an emergency -such as an act of tyranny by King and Parliament. The tax on tea and the cut off of trade became an onerous grievance to the towns of Boston and Charleston, MA. And, the other colonies regarded such an attack on a sister colony an attack on all the colonies -- a general cause which proved the value of the committee structure. It also served as a clear and compelling example of the conflict between centralized government (uniformity coerced from the top down) and self-government (unity from the bottom up).

Throughout the colonies, town after town and county after-county responded to the "abridging the liberties and privileges of the American colonies ... (the taxes which were) unjust and unconstitutional." As the word spread via the Committees, there came a flood of expressions of support for the people of Boston, resolves to stand with them in their time of trial -- and relief (food and other necessities) for the people of Boston.

Prince William County in Virginia resolved that Boston's suffering was "in the common cause of American liberty." "And it is the opinion of this meeting that until the said Acts are repealed, all importation to, and exportation from, this Colony ought to be stopped except with such Colonies or Islands in North America as shall adopt this measure." ("Self Government With Union," FACE, p 538)

So it went, county by county, colony by colony – New York, Virginia, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Delaware, South Carolina, North Carolina, Georgia ... all came to the aid of Boston, the victim of vengeance from a centralized and arbitrary government. (Ibid, pps 534-559).
As history attests, the seeds of tyranny often produce a determination to stand together for liberty.

Out of it all, and in large measure due to those original Committees of Correspondence was generated the First Continental Congress... and the Declaration of Independence and soon the War for American Independence...

Thus the American Republic was born. Expedited because the Committees of Correspondence had been activated, were in place, and had developed the machinery which produced the germ of American government.

What of Today?

Just as the first Committees of Correspondence had a major role in facilitating the birth of the American Republic, so today's Committees can have a vital role in rebuilding the Republic, restoring the American spirit (II Cor 3:17) and reclaiming America for Christ.

In a real sense, we too are seeking to effect a "revolution" of sorts as we work to: halt the growing gap between God and government, restore the freedom of religion guaranteed in the Constitution, and rebuild America's historic and constitutional form of government -- the republic!

* A faith in God and a desire to obey His word
* The belief in self-government with union
* The Committee system and its machinery
* A common cause!


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